Feminism and the Importance of Identity Politics Essay

To be feminist in any(prenominal) authentic sense of the border is to want for every last(predicate) people, female and male, sacque from sexist role patterns, domination, and burdensomeness. Bell Hooks succinctly sums up what it means to be a feminist, and yet when we look to the feminist stool and feminist theorizing today, we see a disturbingly different picture. In a accessible execution founded on equality for all clement beings, the patriarchy and its power structures have silent made a negative impact in the way this strawman is shaped and perpetuated, especially in legal injury of intersectionality and identicalness politics. Whose voices ar perceive? What issues are prioritized? Who is considered a true feminist? When we ask how and why issues of identity and intersectionality are relevant to feminist theorizing, the answer is simple. When the true and complex identities of individuals and kind groups are ignored, what forms is a limiting and narrow view inh erently oppo puzzleional to the drivings foundation and goals.Essentially, ignoring these issues means perpetuating the oppression the movement itself is trying to fight. What follows is a brief analysis on three reasons why feminists should care round identity and individuals with complex identities 1) addressing oppressions in a movement dedicated to eliminating all oppression, 2) identifying the negative consequences of elision of difference, and 3) recognizing the strong importance of intersectionality in hurt of excerption in the real world, as impertinent to simply theorizing in academics. maculation the feminist movement is explicitly dedicated to fighting racism and any other types of isms, we see that typically marginalized groups bear to be marginalized within the movement. These groups are well aware of this oppression, yet how often their voices are heard or even considered are slim to n oneness. In a statement from dingy feminists part of The Combahee River em bodied, it is explained that there was the hold to develop a politics that was anti-racist, hostile those of White women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of abusive and dust coat men (CRC 59).As members of 2 oppressed groups in society, Black women face the highest obstacles in their pursuit of drop liberation, especially beca part of the dominant narrative and voices that have typically commandeered the political movement. As Kimberle Crenshaw purports, the need to split ones political energies between twainsometimes opposing groups is a dimension of intersectional disempowerment that men of color and white women seldom confront (Crenshaw 85). The intersectional experience of White women have typically prevail the womens movement as White women have had more avail subjectness and opportunity to speak out/theorize academically as opposed to Black women.Thus, the experiences of Black women which are distinguishably different from the White womans are essentially absent from the discussion, an issue that is highly problematic as it points to racism and oppression within a social justice movement (not to mention a limited perspective). libber theorists and activists must make legitimate to account for intersectional experiences in order to avoid this hypocrisy. Specifically, White feminists and activists must get wind that their role as genuine activists in the movement mandates a need to be educated and literate in Black history and culture, something that the Combahee River Collective has explicitly called for. As they argue, eliminating racism in the white womens movement is by definition work for white women to do, but we bequeath continue to speak to and demand accountability on this issue (CRC 63).Being a conscientious and fully aware member of this movement involves more than addressing intersectionality and racism within the movement. Feminist theorists need to identify the importance of 1) making the ain political, and subsequently 2) avoid ing the catastrophic and common elision of differences between and within groups. These deuce ideas cannot happen or be fully achieved without the other. The first step requires a great deal of securey and self-reflection, which may come with some vexation and pain, a reason that many individuals may avoid this introspection. As Mari Matsuda argues in her article, by claiming, exploring, and questioning my own identity in an explicit way, I seek truth, and I seek to encourage my students to do the same (Matsuda 75).Feminist theorists must consider the value of truth and justice over any type of discomfort or personal guilt that blocks the path towards clear liberation for all. Just as honesty is crucial in terms of oppression within the movement, it is also key in recognizing privilege. Matsuda supports this idea I do not know of any other politics of social change that works other than the one that asks people to explore profoundly their own location on the axes of power (Mats uda76). Once one has a certain amount of self-awareness and recognizes their privilege, only then can they be able to avoid ignoring intragroup differences. Ergo, the White woman cannot fully understand the complexity & struggle of a Black womans experience in the movement if she does not understand her own privilege over the Black woman within the same movement.While intersectionality is quite real in the day-to-day becomes of women, feminist conjecture has typically categorized identity as a limiting either/or dichotomy between woman or person of color, leaving women of color marginalized. In terms of violence against women, Crenshaw argues that this elision of difference is harmful beca enjoyment it is perpetuating the violence by not fully understanding how multiple dimensions of womans identity contribute to her experience. For example, in our society ruled by a racist/ patriarchal structure and system, battered women of color face poverty and racially antiblack employment /housing, thus have a much harder time decision shelter and support. The elision of difference can also be harmful because it poses as a threat to solidarity ignoring intragroup differences simply continue to filch tension between these sub groups and ultimately harms the progress of the movement, which requires everyone to stand with one another.Lastly, feminist theorists must recognize the importance of intersectionality and identity as superior issues that go beyond simply theorizing and play a very real role in the lives of women every day. As Crenshaw argues, The struggle over incorporating these differences is not a petty or superficial conflict about who gets to sit at the head of the table. In the context of violence, it is sometimes a devilish serious matter of who will survive and who will not (Crensaw 89). The ordinarily shared assumption that battering is a minority problem, for example, exemplifies the issues with ignoring intersectionality/identity. Battering is a human problem, and if a Latina woman cannot get shelter from a preserve threatening to kill her multiple times because she cant express she is English-proficient, then something is very wrong.These exclusionary policies are inherently oppositional to the goal of human liberation and the womens movement, and if feminist theorists do not address this, then not only will real change remain absent, but we will continue to lose the livesof women around the world. These are human beings that deserve to live and exercise their rights that deserve to celebrate their multi-dimensional identity, instead of suffer from it because feminist theory and societal structure are ignoring them. Feminist theorists, we need you to be honest with yourselves and your privilege. We need you to address the complexity and beauty of every individual, help use these differences to resist against oppression instead of perpetuate it, and ultimately harness and use the full power of group solidarity to truly a nd genuinely fight for human liberation.